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Coalition protests Iraq war

Peace activists from all walks of life call for an end

By Rebecca Huval
South Florida Sun-Sentinel September 21, 2006

A choir of seniors, pink-clad protesters and a Catholic prayer group initially may not seem to have a lot in common, but they all want peace.

And they’ll do whatever it takes to get it, even making fools of themselves in a very public way.

“We look like a pink, Pepto-Bismol nightmare when we go places,” said Lori Russell, co-coordinator of Code Pink and co-organizer of Peace Week. “If that’s how you’ve got to do it, that’s what you’ve got to do. I have red hair and pink doesn’t go with it, but that doesn’t matter. It’s a conversation opener and makes people feel more at ease instead of shouting.”

The Raging Grannies, Code Pink and Pax Christi all are part of the Palm Beach County Peace and Justice Coalition, which will run South Florida’s second annual Peace Week starting today and running through Sept. 28. Protest events will highlight the Declaration of Peace, a national campaign that asks signers to take action if a plan for troop withdrawal from Iraq is not reached by today.

“People coming out to express their view is how the Vietnam War ended,” said Susan Mosely, coordinator for Palm Beach County Peace and Justice Coalition and the other co-organizer of Peace Week. “We want the needless waste of human life to stop.”

The 23 groups in the coalition range from the Green Party to Teachers Retired in Florida. Some have been protesting regularly since just after 9-11. The Peace Week events in Palm Beach County are the regular weekly protests that highlight the war and the Declaration of Peace.

“We want to let people know there are local vigils where they can show their emotions weekly,” Mosely said. “Otherwise we’re made to feel like there are few people against the war.”

The Raging Grannies has members who are 45 or older and wear a shawl, apron and straw hat covered in protest buttons. They sing protest songs to popular tunes. The 15 to 40 members meet most often noon to 1 p.m. Saturdays at the Boca Peace Corner, at the corner of Glades Road and St. Andrews Boulevard, and will be there Peace Week.

“We’re singing to the choir,” said Marijo Beckman, of Delray Beach, a member of Raging Grannies and Code Pink. “We haven’t had anything negative. They applaud and cheer, they want copies of our songs so they can sing with us.”

Raging Grannies from the United States and Canada recently released Not Your Grandmother’s Sing Along for $15. The South Florida Grannies sell the CD at protests, and they have two songs on it.

Code Pink also tries to win peace with silly tactics. The women-initiated peace protesters wear pink hats, pink sunglasses, pink shoes, pink parasols and write with pink flamingo pens. The eight male members wear pink shirts, too.

“We have so much pink stuff you can’t not notice us,” Russell said.

Pax Christi reaches out to passers-by with a more somber premise. Members pray individually and hold signs of peace 5 to 6 p.m. Fridays at Martin Luther King Memorial, 2400 North Flagler Drive. They end the rush-hour vigil with a collective prayer asking for war to end.

“I believe Christ wanted us to live in harmony, and war is not of God,” said Phyllis Jepson, 61, of West Palm Beach, a Pax Christi member.


Copyright © 2006, South Florida Sun-Sentinel

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Declaring peace

By CAITLIN DONNELL Colorado Daily Staff
Wednesday, September 20, 2006 8:47 PM MDT

As part of a nationwide action today, a coalition of concerned Coloradans will be taking part in a “Declaration of Peace,” in an effort to end the war in Iraq.

The peace group, helmed locally by members of the Rocky Mountain Peace and Justice Center, has already presented copies of the peace pledge to Congresspersons to sign, and today the group will return to the Congressional offices for the signed - or unsigned - pledges of peace.

As part of the pledge, the plan for peace in Iraq includes “a prompt timetable for withdrawal of troops and closure of bases; a peace process for security, reconstruction and reconciliation; and the shift of funding for war to meeting human needs,” according to the Web site for the Declaration of Peace.

“I think that over time, all antiwar activities are making an impact. It’s very hard to stop a war once it starts,” said Carolyn Bninski, staff person for the international collective for the Rocky Mountain Peace and Justice Center.

“The efforts of people who continually speak out against the war, have demonstrations, go to congressional offices and try to be as public as possible are all parts of trying to end the war,” Bninski said.

Throughout the day, the group will be visiting the offices of Senator Ken Salazar, Congresswomen Marilyn Musgrave, Candidate Angie Paccione, Senator Salazar’s Colorado State Director Jim Carpenter, Congressman Mark Udall and Congresswoman Diana DeGette.

Lawrence Pacheco, spokesman for Congressman Udall, said he (Pacheco) is unfamiliar with the Declaration of Peace happenings tomorrow and does not know if Congressman Udall will sign the pledge or not. However, Pacheco said that Congressman Udall’s stance on the war in Iraq is that ᅓ� needs to be a year of transition in Iraq.”

Bninski said she would be surprised to see many signatures on the pledge from the different senators and congresspersons on today’s roster of visitations.

“I’m not saying that today will be the defining moment, but it’s just one more part of a long-term type of pressure that we need to bring to bear on Congress to not continue supporting the war,” Bninski said.

Citizens from Boulder and Denver will be a part of a larger, ongoing national movement that will be taking place in capitals and cities across the country in an effort to end the in Iraq.

Please contact Caitlin Donnell in regard to this story at (303) 443-6272, ext. 113, or at editor@coloradodaily.com.

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Iowans to take part in events seeking peace

Activists are joining efforts being held nationwide against the war in Iraq.

By Shirley Ragsdale
Des Moines Register
September 19, 2006

Des Moines-area peace activists will ramp up their anti-war efforts with a week of events and demonstrations they hope will persuade Congress to withdraw U.S. troops from Iraq.

The flurry of activity is set to coincide with a series of nationwide anti-war events that begin Thursday, the United Nations’ International Day of Peace.

Four events, from an ecumenical prayer service to threatened nonviolent acts of civil disobedience, are planned through Sept. 27.

Locally, more than a dozen faith and political-action groups have collected signatures that ask Iowa’s congressional delegation to commit to a “comprehensive, concrete and rapid end to the U.S. war in Iraq.”

“We had a booth at the Tom Harkin steak fry over the weekend, and at times people were standing in line waiting to sign the ‘Declaration of Peace,’ ” said Charles Day of Johnston, national chairman of Stop the Arms Race Political Action Committee. “Only one or two walking past declined to sign.”

If Congress doesn’t take action, Iowans are prepared to stage “creative nonviolent expressions” at regional offices and in Washington, D.C.

“We’ll be witnessing at the congressional offices of Iowa Rep. Leonard Boswell and Sen. Charles Grassley,” said Chet Guinn, a member of the Des Moines Ecumenical Peace Ministry. “Basically, they’ll be holding a sit-in until something happens. Sen. Tom Harkin gets a pass because he has introduced a bill that calls for U.S. troops to leave Iraq by the end of this year.”

Kathleen McQuillen, Iowa program coordinator for the American Friends Service Committee, said the group has permits to demonstrate at the federal building in Des Moines.

The peace declaration is sponsored by more than 330 national, regional and local religious, peace, veterans and student groups that include the United Church of Christ justice and witness ministries, Iowa Peace Network, Iowa chapter of Physicians for Social Responsibility, American Friends Service Committee, Methodist Federation for Social Action, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, Catholic Peace Ministry and the Des Moines Area Ecumenical Committee for Peace - groups that demonstrated even before U.S. troops were deployed in Iraq.

“There’s no satisfaction in knowing we were right about the war,” said Brian Terrell, director of Catholic Peace Ministry. “The reason people are on the street goes deeper than just believing that this war isn’t going the way the Bush administration thought it would. People are looking deeper and they’re horrified.”

Iowa peace groups will participate in a weeklong nationwide campaign to persuade Congress to demand a timetable for troop withdrawal from Iraq. Some local events:

  • THURSDAY: International Peace Day interfaith prayer service, 7 p.m., Oak and Willow rooms of the Des Moines Botanical Center. Sponsored by the Des Moines Area Ecumenical Committee for Peace. For more information, call 225-2314 or e-mail .
  • SATURDAY: Peace Fair, noon to 5 p.m., Gateway Park, downtown Des Moines between 12th and 13th streets. Sponsored by the American Friends Service Committee. Call 274-4851, extension 22.
  • MONDAY: Central Iowa Declaration of Peace rally and sit-in, noon, Nollen Plaza, downtown Des Moines. Groups will also demonstrate at the offices of members of Congress. For more information, call 274-4851, extension 22.
  • SEPT. 27: “Iowa’s Role in Stopping the Iraq War,” a public meeting featuring Ron Volk, executive secretary of Friends Committee on National Legislation, 7 p.m., First Unitarian Church, 1800 Bell Ave. Sponsored by the Friends Committee and STAR*PAC. For more information, call 276-5060 or 279-7312.

June 11, 2009: $106 billion war funding bill moves forward & Obama promises to keep torture photos secret

$106B war bill moves forward in both houses

By Mike Soraghan, Walter Alarkon and J. Taylor Rushing

TheHill.com

Posted: 06/11/09 08:04 PM [ET]

http://thehill.com/leading-the-news/106b-war-bill-moves-forward-in-both-houses-2009-06-11.html

A nearly $106 billion war supplemental appeared to be headed for votes in the House and Senate after moves by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and President Obama.

Pelosi appeared to patch together a barebones majority for the bill in the House by playing chicken with two senators over the release of detainee-abuse photos. Democrats in the conference committee rejected Republican amendments backed by the senators that would have blocked release of detainee-abuse photos.

Earlier in the day, the House voted 267-152 to keep language preventing the release of the photos in the supplemental, but it was a symbolic, non-binding vote that conferees ignored later in the day.

That made the path less clear in the Senate, but Thursday evening some centrist Democrats indicated they could support the bill after the White House offered assurances that President Obama would use his “administrative authority” to keep the photos from being released.

Obama spoke with the Democrats on speakerphone during a break in the conference committee hearing, and White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel met with them in an Appropriations Committee room in the Capitol, several senators said.

Sen. Ben Nelson (D-Neb.), after he listened to Obama, said that he would support the legislation coming out of the conference even without the ban.

Democrats finished the conference committee late Thursday night, clearing the way for the supplemental to be taken up by the full House and Senate.

Sens. Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.) and Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) have threatened to “shut down” the Senate if their amendment was stripped in conference.

The bill to emerge out of House-Senate negotiations will cost $105.8 billion. Most of the money — $79.9 billion — will fund the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Another $10 billion will fund State Department and other international assistance programs. Nearly $8 billion goes toward pandemic flu preparations.

The provision in the Senate’s version of the bill barring the government from releasing photos of terror detainees was cut out during conference negotiations led by Senate Appropriations Committee Chairman Daniel Inouye (D-Hawaii) and House Appropriations Chairman David Obey (D-Wis.).

Both Inouye and Obey argued against adding the prohibition to the bill, saying that it would endanger the legislation in the House. The chairmen said they opposed the release of the photos but worried more about the effects of delaying troop funding.

“As much as I support the position taken by the Senate, I believe national security can be better served with passage of this bill,” Inouye said.

Pelosi started off the day without enough votes to pass the bill in the House, but she cobbled together a majority by appealing to her fellow liberals in the caucus. She told them they needed to get the supplemental off the table in order to move on to healthcare and climate change legislation.

“There were some members of the Progressive Caucus who were going to vote no,” said one appropriator. “The Speaker made it clear that we can’t move on to other things until we do this. And you have to support the president.”

The supplemental passed in May with overwhelming Democratic support, but has since become weighed down by the question of the torture photos and solid Republican opposition to including money for the International Monetary Fund. Republican leaders said that the $5 billion increase in credit to the IMF amounted to a “global bailout.”

That meant Pelosi had to pass the conference report in the House with Democratic votes. Only 200 Democrats voted for the measure, so leaders needed to find 18 more votes among the 51 who voted no.

Many of the 51 anti-war members who voted against the supplemental last month said they are willing to switch their vote because of the $5 billion for the IMF. Among them is Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.).

“It’s an outrageous abuse of the process,” Frank said. “All these conservatives … say they’re against non-spending issues in appropriations bills. This is not a spending issue.”

© 2009 Capitol Hill Publishing Corp., a subsidiary of News Communications, Inc.


Photo finish for imperiled war funding

By David Rogers

Politico.com

June 11, 2009 08:00 PM EST

http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0609/23660.html

House-Senate negotiators reached agreement late Thursday on a $105.9 billion wartime spending bill after last-minute assurances from President Barack Obama that he will use all his powers to prevent the disclosure of controversial photographs depicting the treatment of detainees held by the U.S. military.

White House chief of staff Rahm Emanuel rushed to the Capitol in the evening to personally deliver this message after the talks began to unravel. The president participated via the speaker on Emanuel’s cell phone, as senators gathered around in the first floor offices of the Senate Appropriations Committee. And Chairman Daniel Inouye (D-Hawaii) later read aloud a letter from Obama pledging to use every “legal and administrative remedy” available to prevent the disclosure of the pictures.

The underlying bill is vital to Obama’s foreign policy agenda as well as major domestic needs such as advanced funding to cope with the threat of pandemic flu next winter. But the administration has stumbled repeatedly and more than ever has found itself whipsawed by not just Republicans but the Democratic left.

Central to Thursday’s drama was a Senate amendment adopted with little debate but designed to frustrate efforts by the American Civil Liberties Union in federal courts to force the release of the photos.

Democratic leaders had already decided that the provision should be dropped because of liberal opposition to any tampering with the Freedom of Information Act. And House negotiators upheld this position on a 5-3 vote.

But after caucusing with his colleagues, Inouye suddenly was hesitant to go forward when faced with a motion by Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, insisting that the Senate hold firm.

The talks abruptly recessed, prompting Emanuel’s arrival soon after. And when they reconvened, Inouye came armed with the president’s letter—and solid Democratic votes to kill McConnell’s motion.

Addressed to Inouye and House Appropriations Committee Chairman David Obey (D., Wis.), the letter was significant at two levels. First, it marked the clearest statement yet by the White House recognizing the political problems posed by the Senate amendment—and the threat to the bill. Second, Obama left open the option that he could use his executive power to classify the photos as secret if things go badly for him in the courts.

In the letter, Obama begins by restating his opposition to the release of the photos, saying it won’t add “any additional benefit to our understanding of what happened in the past and the most direct consequence of releasing them would be to further inflame anti-American opinion and to put our troops in greater danger.”

He goes on to cite a favorable ruling from the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals — which also happened to come Thursday—that will give the administration time to go next to the U.S. Supreme Court. And the president pledges to “take every legal and administrative remedy available to me” to ensure the detainee photos are not released.

In fact, prior to the letter, Republicans and an increasing number of Democrats were already urging Obama to use his executive powers to designate the photos as classified and therefore protected under secrecy laws.

Leading the charge was Obama’s old rival, Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), who went to the Senate floor Thursday, saying it was time for the president to “stand up to the left wing in his party.” But no less than Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) later told reporters flatly: “The pictures are not going to be released,” regardless of what is in or out of the war funding bill.

Prior to Emanuel’s arrival, Inouye refused comment on any recommendations he has made to the administration but signaled that he also would welcome the president doing more to protect the photos. “There are only a few options, and the White House has to decide,” said one leadership aide.

In many respects, the dicey politics run back to the administration’s insistence that the same war funding bill be used to carry billions in new financing for the International Monetary Fund. Obama personally pledged the funding at an international meeting in April, but it has turned into a political nightmare for his Democratic allies, given the political crosscurrents in the House.

Republicans have threatened to withhold their votes for the final package, which now includes the IMF funding. And this means Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) has had to try to win back some of the 51 anti-war Democrats who opposed the war funding when it first passed the House in May.

While the White House hung back on the sidelines, House leaders concluded long ago that it was imperative to drop the Senate amendment, which was seen by many liberals as an intrusion on the Freedom of Information Act.

Underlying the whole debate is a real anxiety among many Democrats over Obama’s increased military commitment to Afghanistan and a new U.S. partnership with its neighbor Pakistan. Leftwing bloggers even boasted that convergence of events could be a chance to kill the war funding outright.

This anxiety was evident again Thursday in House debate on a parallel Foreign Affairs bill demanding that the administration come forward this summer with a more comprehensive plan for the long-term “security and stability” of Pakistan while also demanding greater accountability from Islamabad as well.

“We appreciate the urgency of the situation in Pakistan and the need for appropriate flexibility,” said House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Howard Berman (D-Calif.). “We are simply asking Pakistan to follow through with the commitments it has already made. If the president is unable to make these determinations, then we should be asking ourselves much deeper questions about what we really hope to achieve in Pakistan.”

Indeed, the level of assistance is substantial. The combined military and economic aid in the package for Afghanistan is close to $5 billion, and Pakistan’s portion could exceed $3 billion, counting funds it also receives as a coalition partner facilitating U.S. operations in Afghanistan.

Most striking is the level of funds to begin a greatly expanded U.S. role in the training and equipping of Pakistani troops who will be asked to carry out more counterinsurgency operations against Taliban forces operating in their country and along the border with Afghanistan. This aid will move first through the Department of Defense but later the State Department in two installments, totaling $1.1 billion by Oct. 1.

Like the detainee photos, Obama has been less sure footed in dealing with his plans to close the U.S. detention facility at Guantanamo. This is a signature issue for the administration, but the bill provides none of the money sought by Obama to carry out the closing. And the final language would bar the transfer of any prisoners into the U.S. except for the purposes of prosecution and only after a detailed plan explaining the cost, legal rationale and risks has been provided to Congress.

Among domestic issues, a total of $7.65 billion is provided to cope with the threat of the H1N1 flu recurring. Included in this total is $5.8 billion that will be available as an emergency contingency to be used as needed supplemental federal stockpiles and develop and administer vaccines. The administration hopes this may help pick up votes as well in states where the flu has been most prevalent.

A last and controversial addition to the package is a $1 billion down payment toward a new “cash for clunkers” initiative designed to encourage consumers buy for newer, more efficient cars and light trucks. The rebates run from $3500 to $4500 depending on the relative energy savings, but even Democrats are suspect that it has become more of a bailout for auto dealers.

In fact, environmentalists allied with Sens. Dianne Feinstein (D., Cal.) and Susan Collins (R., Maine) had proposed an alternative bill this year that insisted that the car owner at least move up 7 miles-per-gallon to qualify and achieve a 13 miles-per-gallon improvement to get the full rebate.

The agreement Thursday shoots lower, with a threshold of just 4 miles-per-gallon for example. And a lower income family that buys a used car—however more efficient—would not qualify.

New Hampshire Sen. Judd Gregg, the ranking Republican on the Senate Budget Committee, made a vain attempt to strike the whole funding and won three Democratic votes, including Feinstein. But Sen. George Voinovich (R., Ohio) backed the initiative, and Gregg lost 17-13.

Clearly relieved after a roller-coaster day, Inouye looked across to Obey: “May I say we adjourn smiling,” Inouye said.

© 2009 Capitol News Company, LLC

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June 10, 2009: Pelosi’s War Bill Pitch Gets Personal

Pelosi’s War Bill Pitch Gets Personal

By Jonathan Allen, CQ Staff

CQ TODAY ONLINE NEWS

June 10, 2009 – 9:10 p.m.

http://www.cqpolitics.com/wmspage.cfm?docID=news-000003140209

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is fiercely lobbying fellow anti-war Democrats, crossing off the names of converts from a whip list as she seeks to build support for a troubled supplemental war-spending bill.

Even with her leverage — and there is no doubt the Speaker is the heavy in the party leadership — the veteran California Democrat’s task is tough.

The bill (HR 2346) is hamstrung by the inclusion of $5 billion to support lending by the International Monetary Fund.

“She’s working it, and she usually gets her way,” said Defense Appropriations Subcommittee Chairman John P. Murtha , D-Pa. “She’s the most important asset that [President] Obama has.”

Republicans are threatening to oppose the bill en bloc to protest the inclusion of the IMF money — a possibility Democrats are taking seriously even if it may not be carried out.

On Wednesday evening, Pelosi was working the floor during votes on a separate bill authorizing foreign aid funding (HR 2410), trying to find the remaining votes needed for the $100 billion-plus war supplemental from among the 51 Democrats who voted against the bill when the House passed its version in mid-May.

Pelosi’s hands-on effort to flip the votes of her liberal base is indicative of the difficulty Democratic leaders have had in bringing their caucus together in support of Obama’s escalation of the war in Afghanistan. Some lawmakers contend the conflict offers no positive outcome.

Earlier this week, the Speaker approached Rep. Marcy Kaptur , an Ohio progressive who sits on the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee, and asked Kaptur to reconsider her “no” vote.

Rather than making a case based on the policy, Kaptur said, the Speaker asserted that Obama and congressional Democrats needed to clear the decks of “the last old business” left over from the Bush administration.

Kaptur was unmoved.

I don’t agree with her analysis that we’re cleaning up for Bush,” said Kaptur, who worries that the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are too costly and that the administration lacks a plan for success in Afghanistan. “This is Obama’s first chance. This is his first wave.”

The conference report on the supplemental spending bill is not expected to reach the House floor until at least June 16, according to key Democrats. The leadership was confounded this week in its efforts to bring up the bill to a final House vote by a combination of vote-gathering, scheduling and policy-making complications.

Most of the Democrats who voted against the war-funding bill in May are war critics. But for every Democrat Pelosi has used the IMF funding as an enticement to win their support the underlying bill — House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank , D-Mass., among them — there seems to be at least one more whose resistance is actually exacerbated by the IMF money.

Lawmakers say it’s hard for longtime war critics to justify voting for ramping-up U.S. forces in Afghanistan, no matter what other policies are included.

I made a commitment to my constituents that I wouldn’t vote for funding to escalate wars,” said Rep. Yvette D. Clarke , who represents a liberal Brooklyn district.

In addition to concerns over the IMF funding, the measure’s fate had been complicated by the insistence of Sens. Joseph I. Lieberman , a Connecticut independent, and Lindsey Graham , a South Carolina Republican, that it include a prohibition on the release of additional photos of detainees being abused in American custody.

Many liberals back the release of photos under the Freedom of Information Act, though the administration opposes such a move. Rep. Louise M. Slaughter , D-N.Y., chairwoman of the Rules Committee, said the prohibition would not be included in the final legislation.

Democrats say they expect Pelosi, whose efforts are complemented by South Carolina Rep. James E. Clyburn ’s official whip operation and arm-twisting by White House officials, to get the votes needed.

Still, the process has been slow going, and Democrats have had to cast a wide net to capture commitments.

Rep. Michael M. Honda , a California Democrat on the Appropriations Committee, said he has been contacted by a member of the president’s lobbying team.

“I told people at first blush ‘No, I’m not changing my mind,’ just to maintain some space,” Honda said. “I’m looking at it.”

Honda said the argument that has been pushed to him is that the president needs help. But, he said, he doesn’t think the president’s standing or momentum would be diminished by a “no” vote.

The House passed the supplemental, 368-60, on May 14 — but that version did not include the IMF funding.

Another reason some Democrats are still wavering may be because final touches are still being put on several provisions in the measure. Without a final product in hand, many lawmakers are reluctant to commit.

Conferees are scheduled to meet on Thursday.

The universe of potential vote-switchers primarily comes from the party’s most liberal faction. And even if they want to support Pelosi and the president, their concerns about increased U.S. involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq greatly restrict their support for additional funding.

Knowing that it will be tough for Republican leaders to hold a line against the war-spending bill if Democrats eventually summon enough votes to pass the bill on their own, Kaptur made this pledge to Pelosi: “I said, ‘I won’t vote early.’”

CQ © 2007 All Rights Reserved | Congressional Quarterly Inc. 1255 22nd Street N.W. Washington, D.C. 20037 | 202-419-8500


Pelosi ready to move on war funding

By David Rogers

Politico.com

June 10, 2009 07:54 PM EST

http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0609/23611.html

With the Senate poised to act Thursday, a landmark tobacco regulation bill could go to the White House as early as next week, when Democrats also hope to complete a long-delayed war funding bill sought by President Barack Obama.

Speaker Nancy Pelosi told POLITICO Wednesday that she will urge the House to approve the Senate version of the tobacco bill without insisting on a formal conference between the chambers. “Yes,” she said flatly, when asked if House Democrats could accept revisions made thus far by the Senate bill managers to win over key Republicans. “As I understand the provisions in the bill, and my information is as recent as last night, yes. … Everything I hear is positive.”

In the case of the war funding bill, Pelosi and the White House have held back for weeks trying to find a path around Republican resistance to new financing for the International Monetary Fund within the now $105 billion measure. But the speaker signaled Wednesday that she is now ready to move, and with her encouragement, House-Senate negotiators will meet Thursday afternoon to ratify a final agreement.

House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) announced later that he expects the package to be on the floor next week. By design or not, that sequencing allows the House time to deal first with a separate but related Foreign Affairs Committee bill involving the U.S.-Pakistan relationship. Pelosi laughed off any “Byzantine” linkage. But to the extent that the floor debate gives liberals a chance to express themselves, it could also make it easier to win over swing votes on the war funding.

The White House itself seemed content just to see movement. “We’re happy campers,” one official said of the proposed deal before negotiators.

Indeed, Obama will get much of what he wants in terms of his Afghanistan-Pakistan policy, the IMF and emergency health monies to cope with the threat of the H1N1 flu recurring next winter. But no new funds are included for the closing of the U.S. detention facility at Guantanamo, and the House is demanding that the Senate drop language that seeks to block — for at least three years — public access to controversial photographs of detainees held at American military facilities.

The administration, in response to a court suit pending in New York, also opposes release of the same photos. But given the global economic crisis, securing the IMF funding has seemed to be the White House’s greater priority. And liberal Democrats want the Senate language out in return for their votes for the bill.

As part of the bargaining, negotiators are expected to accept language that will allow Guantanamo prisoners to be brought into the United States for the purposes of prosecution 45 days after the administration has submitted certifications to Congress. But the administration will have to live with the Senate’s insistence that none of the detainees be transferred more permanently to maximum-security facilities in the United States.

The single-largest piece of the bill is $77.16 billion for the Defense Department, largely to maintain operations in Iraq and support Obama’s increased commitment to Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Included are funds for a greatly expanded U.S. role in training and equipping Pakistani troops, who will be asked to carry out more counterinsurgency operations against Taliban forces operating in their country and along the border with Afghanistan. This aid will move first through Defense and later through the State Department in two installments, totaling as much as $1.1 billion by Oct. 1.

Closer to home, the bill provides $18.7 billion for military personnel, about $2.5 billion above the administration’s request to deal with a cost overrun in, especially, the Army and Army National Guard. Nearly $28.5 billion is provided for procurement, including billions added for the purchase of air transports and armored vehicles.

Eight Boeing C-17s would cost about $2.1 billion, and an additional $504 million would cover seven C-130s, manufactured by Lockheed. General Dynamics has a stake in $200 million for the purchase of Stryker armored vehicles for the Army, and the bill adds $1.9 billion to the Pentagon’s requests for more heavily armored, mine-resistant MRAPs.

Total spending for State Department and foreign aid accounts is $9.5 billion; another $700 million is provided for food assistance overseas. Afghanistan and Pakistan are among the major recipients, including $225 million to help the Islamabad government deal with the refugee crisis triggered by recent fighting.

But to an unusual degree, even routine foreign aid requests for Middle East countries such as Israel, Egypt and Jordan have been added to the mix. This is all part of a Democratic strategy to shift costs from 2010 into 2009 and thereby leave more room under next year’s spending caps.

The new IMF financing represents an added $5 billion cost on top of the foreign aid package. And Obama is expected to come away with about $7.65 billion as a reserve against the threat of pandemic flu.

Going forward, the House still appears to pose the more serious political test for the administration.

If Republicans hold true to their vow to oppose any IMF funding, the president and Pelosi will have to bring over anti-war liberals who opposed the same measure last month.

The leadership has helped itself with auto-state lawmakers of both parties by including initial funding for a “cash-for-clunkers” initiative that pays vouchers of up to $4,500 to consumers who buy more-fuel-efficient new cars and pickup trucks. And privately, Democrats believe that some Republicans will back the bill, since the lion’s share of the money is for Defense and ongoing military operations.

Consider the case of Rep. John McHugh, who was just nominated by Obama to be the secretary of the Army. The popular New York Republican described himself as taking a wait-and-see approach to the final bill. “It’s a tough vote,” he said, laughing.

© 2009 Capitol News Company, LLC

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June 10, 2009: White House pitches war-funding measure

White House pitches war-funding measure

By Mike Soraghan

TheHill.com

Posted: 06/10/09 07:16 PM [ET]

http://thehill.com/leading-the-news/white-house-pitches-war-funding-measure-2009-06-10.html

Rep. Barbara Lee is perhaps the toughest vote for President Obama to get on a bill funding the war in Afghanistan. After all, Lee was the lone vote against the popular invasion in 2001.

So the White House called in extra firepower, tapping White House adviser and Obama family friend Valerie Jarrett to make a call to Lee (D-Calif.).

Will it change Lee’s vote? Not likely. But it’s emblematic of the full-court press that the White House put on Congress to pass the war-spending bill.

Obama himself pulled a pack of Blue Dog Democrats aside at the White House to make his pitch. Cabinet secretaries made the case, and White House chief of staff Rahm Emanuel dialed up some of his old House colleagues to put the touch on them.

The sales pitch: do it for your president.

“They say, “This is going to be an embarrassment to the president,” said a Democratic leadership aide. “But they use that on every last thing.”

Still, Obama has cachet to spare with congressional Democrats, and the approach appears to have worked. House and Senate leaders announced a deal Wednesday evening that is expected to clear the way for a conference report.

A controversial amendment blocking any release of torture photos is out. The $5 billion for the International Monetary Fund is in. And on Guantanamo, the legislation will say detainees can come to the United States for trial, but cannot stay.

House and Senate conferees are to meet Thursday. The target for a House vote is Tuesday, and then the conference report goes to the Senate.

With the agreement, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and Democratic leaders may have wriggled out of a tight bind. The bill, which passed in May with overwhelming Democratic support, has become weighted down by solid Republican opposition to including money for the International Monetary Fund. Republican leaders call the money a “global bailout.”

That meant Pelosi must pass the conference report in the House with Democratic votes. Only 200 Democrats voted for the measure, so leaders needed to find 18 more votes among the 51 who voted no.

The IMF money was enough to attract some of the liberal, anti-war members who voted against the money the first time around. But the prospect that some of the money could go to Iran threatened to cost Democratic votes, particularly among ardent supporters of Israel.

Then the Senate proposal to use the bill to block release of controversial torture photos threatened whatever ground with liberals Pelosi had made with IMF.

“I am among the get-able group of ‘No’ votes,” said Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.). But, “That’s a deal breaker for me.”

And Blue Dogs were irritated at the overall price tag — now exceeding $100 billion — and an earmark for Sen. Thad Cochran (R-Miss.).

Among the “no” votes were seven committee chairmen, all of whom could feel extra pressure to support leadership when the vote is close.

In some Democratic offices, aides even speculated that leaders might bring the measure to a vote without the magic number of 218 votes, hoping some vulnerable Republicans would fear voting against a measure to fund the troops.

“Is this their, ‘I voted for it before I voted against it’ moment?” speculated a Democratic aide.

Republicans said their wall of opposition to the IMF money is solid, and that even the most vulnerable Republicans, like Rep. Ahn “Joseph” Cao (R-La.) are on board.

If they’re depending on us, they’re going to lose,” said a senior Republican aide, who rejected the comparison to Sen. John Kerry’s infamous line from the 2004 presidential campaign. Republican members, he said, “voted for a clean troop funding bill and then against a global bailout.”

© 2009 Capitol Hill Publishing Corp., a subsidiary of News Communications, Inc.


Democrats close in on war funding agreement

By ANDREW TAYLOR

The Associated Press

Wednesday, June 10, 2009 5:48 PM

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/10/AR2009061002696.html

WASHINGTON — Capitol Hill Democrats are closing in on agreement on a war funding bill that’s now likely to cost taxpayers well over $100 billion with the late addition of more flu-fighting funds and money to subsidize new car purchases.

And, under a compromise revealed by House and Senate aides Wednesday, detainees held at the Guantanamo Bay prison could be transferred to the U.S. to face trial but not to serve their sentences in this country if convicted.

An official House-Senate negotiating session was scheduled for Thursday, with votes in the House and Senate expected next week.

The ever-growing measure is now expected to contain $7.7 billion in flu-fighting funds instead of President Barack Obama’s original $1.5 billion request. Negotiators are also eyeing $1 billion for a new “cash for clunkers” program that aims to boost new auto sales by allowing consumers to turn in their gas-guzzling cars and trucks for vouchers toward the purchase of more fuel-efficient vehicles.

The core of the measure remains funding for military and diplomatic operations in Iraq and Afghanistan that would bring the total approved by Congress for the two wars above $900 billion. The must-pass measure, however, has been caught in Capitol Hill’s crosscurrents.

It appears that House liberals opposed to a Senate provision to block the release of new detainee abuse photos are now likely to prevail. That earned a blistering retort from Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., who co-authored the language in question and agrees with Obama that release of the photos would whip up anti-American sentiment and threaten U.S. service members.

“I think it’s one of the most irresponsible things I’ve heard of,” Graham told reporters. “They don’t have our troops’ back.”

House liberals prevailed in the fight over detainee photos because their votes are needed to pass the measure since House Republican support has evaporated over the decision to add to the bill Obama’s request for a new $108 billion U.S. line of credit to the International Monetary Fund to help poor countries deal with the world recession.

Some 51 House Democrats, most of them opposed to the war in Iraq and, increasingly, the effort in Afghanistan as well, opposed the measure in a vote last month. Many of them are leadership loyalists who can be counted on to switch.

The issue of Guantanamo was particularly difficult. The White House pressed to weaken Senate language that would have blocked the administration from bringing detainees to the United States, even to stand trial.

The compromise strikes a balance between House and Senate provisions to permit accused terrorists - such as Ahmed Ghailani, who appeared on Tuesday in a federal court in New York as the first Guantanamo detainee to come to trial in the U.S. - to be transferred to the U.S. for their trials but not permanent detention.

Funding to specifically help accomplish Obama’s goal of closing Guantanamo was denied, however.

The war funding bill started in April as an $83.4 billion request from Obama and has grown steadily from there. He soon added a $1.5 billion flu-fighting request, which came as fears of the H1N1 swine flu outbreak gripped the nation.

The House promptly added almost $12 billion in additional spending for foreign aid, military procurement and additional anti-flu money.

Obama’s request for the IMF funding came too late for inclusion in the original House bill but was added to the Senate version, and promptly opened a fissure with House Republicans.

The actual cost to taxpayers for the IMF funding is estimated at $5 billion, though the government would have to borrow the full $108 billion.

Obama followed last week with a request for $2 billion in additional flu-fighting funds - on top of the $1.5 billion initial request - and the authority to shift about $3.8 billion in cash from the economic stimulus bill to the effort in case the swine flu bug returns with a vengeance this flu season. A tentative agreement would leave the stimulus measure untouched and simply appropriate the full request, which would boost detection efforts and would develop, stockpile and administer vaccines.

The underlying measure funds Obama’s plan to send more than 20,000 additional troops to Afghanistan, and with the increase in U.S. operations there, the Afghanistan war is now expected to cost more than Iraq.

It also contains money for new weapons and military equipment such as eight C-17 cargo planes, mine-resistant vehicles, Bradley Fighting Vehicles and Stryker armored vehicles. It contains an about $2.2 billion increase to Obama’s request for foreign aid, much of which appears to be designed to get around spending limits for 2010.

Separately, a House panel Wednesday approved Obama’s request for remarkable increases in grants to local governments for clean water projects as it unveiled a $32.3 billion spending bill for the Interior Department and environmental programs.

Democrats justified a 9 percent increase for the Interior Department and a whopping 38 percent boost for the Environmental Protection Agency by saying former President George W. Bush shortchanged them for years.

A 75 percent increase for grants to cities and counties for clean and safe drinking water projects would both ease a backlog of projects and create much-needed infrastructure jobs, Democrats said.

© 2009 The Associated Press

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June 10, 2009: Democrats Aren't Yielding to Obama

Democrats Aren’t Yielding to Obama

By Indira A.R. Lakshmanan

The New York Times

Published: June 9, 2009

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/09/us/09iht-letter10web.html?_r=1&emc=tnt&tntemail0=y

WASHINGTON — From the gallery overlooking the chamber of the U.S. House of Representatives and in nearby Senate hearing rooms, the voices rising in criticism of the president’s national security policy sound familiar.

After years of lambasting President George W. Bush’s war on terror, some congressional Democrats still act like the party of opposition, even with their own man in the White House. They are asking tough questions about the wisdom of President Barack Obama’s plan to expand military assistance to Afghanistan and Pakistan, where an eight-year conflict has failed to defeat the Taliban and Al Qaeda. Other Democrats oppose shipping terrorism suspects from the Guantánamo Bay prison camp in Cuba to the United States.

Their scrutiny of an untested commander in chief may augur bigger battles if lawmakers decide Mr. Obama’s approach isn’t delivering results.

It would be dishonest and a dereliction of our duties as members of Congress if we changed our views on the issues relating to foreign policy and national security based on the political party of the president,” said Senator Russell D. Feingold, a Wisconsin Democrat.

Mr. Feingold has grilled Mr. Obama’s military commanders and diplomats about plans to send 21,000 more troops to Afghanistan, and whether that will destabilize Pakistan by pushing terrorists over the border.

While Mr. Bush enjoyed virtual party-line support from Republicans for his initial plans for the Iraq war, detention policies for terrorism suspects and homeland security measures, Mr. Obama has to contend with fractious Democratic lawmakers.

When two key U.S. allies — President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan and President Asif Ali Zardari of Pakistan — visited Washington recently, as many Democrats as Republicans demanded to know why they were not doing more to fight corruption and insurgents.

Democrats have also joined Republicans in sounding off at hearings on war strategy and Guantánamo. House lawmakers stripped from a bill $80 million Mr. Obama had requested for closing the prison camp, insisting the administration must first specify where detainees would go.

Meanwhile, the president’s Afghanistan plan has won backing from a surprising corner in a town where partisanship sometimes trumps policy. Only 12 of the 218 Republicans in Congress voted against the president’s request for supplemental war funding last month. Senator Lindsey Graham, a South Carolina Republican, praised Mr. Obama’s strategy to add U.S. troops, diplomats and aid and to demand more pressure from the Pakistani military on terrorists across the border.

William Galston, a policy adviser to former President Bill Clinton, says skepticism among Democrats is a legacy that goes back to the Vietnam War, which escalated under two Democratic presidents. A majority of Republicans consistently support the use of military force, Mr. Galston said, but Democrats have a wider spectrum of views. Those on the left are disappointed that Mr. Obama has retained elements of Mr. Bush’s anti-terrorism strategy and ramped up the Afghan war.

Democrats wary of the surge have stiffened their dissent with demands for more accountability. Last month, lawmakers added a provision to the $96.7 billion House version of the war- funding bill that requires Mr. Obama to report back in a year on cooperation from Afghanistan and Pakistan.

That was not enough to satisfy every skeptic, however. The bill passed, 368-60, but 51 of the opponents were Democrats.

“Sometimes great presidents make mistakes,” Representative James McGovern, a Massachusetts Democrat, said on the House floor, declaring he would vote against the measure.

Mr. McGovern, who fears Mr. Obama could be sucked into an open-ended commitment in Afghanistan, introduced a separate bill demanding an exit strategy and signed up 84 co-sponsors — 78 of them Democrats.

Representative David R. Obey, the Wisconsin Democrat who is chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, said during the debate over war funding that he was “extremely dubious” that the United States could succeed in Afghanistan. He voted for it anyway, comparing his decision to his willingness in 1968 to give President Richard Nixon, a Republican, a chance to turn around the Vietnam War.

The Senate version of the measure calls for the administration to clarify its objectives in Afghanistan and Pakistan and set benchmarks for progress. At a May 12 hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, a visibly irritated Senator Robert Menendez, a New Jersey Democrat, put Richard Holbrooke, the U.S. special representative for the region, on notice that lawmakers were “not just here for a blank check.”

Democrats say tough oversight from the president’s own party — something Mr. Bush escaped in the build-up to the war in Iraq — can only help Mr. Obama by improving his policies.

Although the flak may be frustrating for the president, “he’s better off to have questions asked by people who are in fundamental agreement with him,” says Senator Carl Levin, the Michigan Democrat.

Representative Bill Delahunt, a Massachusetts Democrat, says a Republican-led Congress is as much to blame as Mr. Bush for the “disastrous” war in Iraq, because lawmakers “simply acquiesced.”

“It’s best that we have a transparent debate” to avoid repeating “strategic errors,” Mr. Delahunt said. “We’re making every effort to shift to a policy that I predict will be far more successful.”

Indira A.R. Lakshmanan is a columnist for Bloomberg News.

Copyright 2009 New York Times

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June 10, 2009: Deal on War Supplemental Near

Deal on War Supplemental Near

CQ TODAY MIDDAY UPDATE

June 10, 2009 – 2:50 p.m.

http://www.cqpolitics.com/wmspage.cfm?docID=cqmidday-000003139810

Action on a final version of a war spending bill appears imminent, as House Democrats on Wednesday appeared to have prevailed in their battle to keep language out of the measure barring public release of prisoner abuse photographs.

House leaders were preparing to appoint conferees on the bill, setting up a joint session with Senate negotiators shortly thereafter, House Democratic Caucus Chairman John B. Larson , D-Conn., said. Floor action is likely Thursday.

Rep. Louise M. Slaughter , R-N.Y., chairwoman of the House Rules Committee, said the conference report will definitely not contain language, found in the Senate’s version, which would bar for three years the disclosure of images of U.S. war on terror prisoners taken from Sept. 11, 2001, to Jan. 22, 2009.

Sens. Joseph I. Lieberman , I-Conn., and Lindsey Graham , R-S.C., won adoption of the photo amendment in the Senate, and Tuesday threatened to obstruct all Senate action if it was removed from the legislation. President Obama, like the two senators, has opposed release of the photos, which critics have sought under the Freedom of Information Act.

“I’m opposed to suspending the Freedom of Information Act under any circumstances,” Slaughter said, echoing the views of other liberal Democrats that House leaders need to help pass the bill.

House Republicans had already pledged to vote against the legislation due to the expected inclusion of $5 billion to support increased U.S. lending to International Monetary Fund.

Senior Senate Democrats, however, said they would not oppose the overall bill over that one provision alone. “I’m going to vote for the conference report whether that’s in it or not, because the conference report has got so many issues in addition to that,” said Senate Armed Services Committee chairman Carl Levin , D-Mich.

CQ © 2009 All Rights Reserved | Congressional Quarterly Inc.

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June 9, 2009: War bill tally could top $105 Billion

War bill tally could top $105B

By David Rogers

Politico.com

June 9, 2009 10:12 PM EST

http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0609/23556.html

The White House’s ever-expanding wartime spending bill could soon exceed $105 billion even as President Barack Obama remains stymied by divisions in Congress and a set of terrorism-related issues that have strained relations in his own party.

Democrats said Tuesday that they now expect to add $5.8 billion to cope with the potential threat of H191 flu recurring next winter, and House Appropriations Committee Chairman Dave Obey (D-Wis.) told POLITICO he is trying to find room for another $800 million to fund the first year of a cash-for-clunkers initiative endorsed by the full House Tuesday.

The $5.8 billion to battle the pandemic flu threat comes on top of about $1.85 billion already in the bill. The new money is provided on a contingency basis, requiring Obama to first declare an emergency but also allowing him to draw down the money in tranches, not as a single lump sum.

Nonetheless, given prior agreements on the military and foreign aid portions of the same war funding bill, this would put the total cost near $105 billion, including billions in new financing for the International Monetary Fund.

The IMF commitment — money Obama personally pledged at an international meeting in April — remains the single most difficult issue politically. And by driving away House Republicans, it leaves the president more vulnerable to the demands of anti-war Democrats whose votes are needed for passage.

At the same time, the bill’s growing cost is a worry for Blue Dog fiscal conservatives in the House, already alarmed by the nation’s soaring debt. Obama helped himself with a White House session Tuesday in which he endorsed statutory pay-as-you-go budget rules — a Blue Dog priority. But for an administration so gifted at debating concepts, the White House appears less sure-footed in the nitty-gritty politics of the appropriations process.

The underlying political equation hasn’t changed for weeks: Adding IMF risks a Republican boycott in the House, meaning Obama has to win back about half of the 51 anti-war Democrats who opposed the war funding in May.

That task is complicated by the fact that the president must also hold onto his more conservative support in the Senate. Those ranks include his old nemesis, Sen. Joe Lieberman, the Connecticut independent, who has inserted bill language intended to affect a pending court case over the public’s right to see controversial photographs depicting the harsh treatment of detainees held by the U.S. military.

That case is now pending in the 2nd U.S. Court of Appeals in New York, and liberal House Democrats are furious that Lieberman — with whom they have little patience — is trying to influence the legal process at this stage. Obama also doesn’t want the photos released, but the Lieberman amendment must come out if the president is to have any hope of bringing anti-war Democrats aboard. And the senator raised the stakes Tuesday by threatening a filibuster — effectively demanding 60 votes for passage.

“What we’re saying here is that we’re going to filibuster it — it’s that important,” Lieberman told reporters. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) is attempting to defuse the situation, but this has led to speculation that Democrats are slow-walking the bill deliberately in hopes that a ruling will come soon. If the court should rule against the American Civil Liberties Union, which is seeking the photographs, that would make it easier for Lieberman to step back. But as a practical matter. neither the ACLU nor Lieberman’s office said they had any knowledge of when a ruling would come.

As the White House looks for its last votes, the Senate and House Appropriations committees appear to be shadowboxing. The Senate says the House is the reason for the stall because of rifts over the IMF funding. Obey says he is waiting on the White House and the Senate to reach a deal on a second contentious terrorism related issue: Obama’s pledge to close down the U.S. detention facility at Guantanamo.

“I’ll play it flat; I’ll play it round,” Obey told POLITICO. “The Senate and White House just have to get together.”

In fact, the Senate has been tougher than the House thus far in limiting Obama’s ability to transfer Guantanamo prisoners from the island facility into maximum security facilities inside the U.S. And while the administration circulated language last week that would give it more flexibility, it appears that the Senate will extend this discretion only in cases where prisoners are either brought into the U.S. for prosecution or to be transferred to another country.

The House, like the Senate, has withheld any funding until the administration submits a more detailed plan for the future of Guantanamo. But if security conditions are met, there is more openness about allowing prisoners to be incarcerated within the U.S.

In fact, Obey argued that this is the safer course for U.S. interests, since a foreign government might agree at a future date to release the detainee. “It’s the old saying: Keep your friends close and your enemies closer,” Obey said in an interview.

This pattern was repeated again Tuesday when the House panel approved the first of the annual spending bills for the coming fiscal year: a $64.4 billion measure funding the departments of Justice and Commerce as well as major science agencies. The DOJ’s request for Guantanamo-related funding was again denied, and Congress would be assured of 60 days to review whatever plan the White House comes up with finally.

Republicans didn’t challenge this arrangement, and instead the greater focus of debate was on the overall spending increases incorporated in the package — a $6.7 billion, or nearly 12 percent, increase over the current year.

California Rep. Jerry Lewis, the committee’s ranking Republican, argued that this pace of spending can’t be sustained, but he and his party also rejected one of the bigger cuts in the bill — a 25 percent, or $100 million, reduction in funding for the State Criminal Alien Assistance Program.

Instead, in a reversal of roles, Republicans proposed to take advantage of Obama’s stimulus plan — which they had opposed in February — and shift $100 million from the census to restore SCAPP to last year’s funding level of $400 million.

“They are rolling in cash,” Lewis said of the census. But Democrats rejected the idea as a false offset given the fact that the money will eventually have to be restored because of the importance of the census. “A cut to census is not a real cut, not this close,” Obey said, prevailing on a 30-21 vote.

© 2009 Capitol News Company, LLC

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June 4, 2009: With IMF Money, the War Supplemental Could Fail in the House

With IMF Money, the War Supplemental Could Fail in the House

by Robert Naiman, t r u t h o u t | Perspective

Wednesday, 03 June 2009

http://www.truthout.org/060309R

Last month, 60 members of the House of Representatives, including 51 Democrats, voted against the war supplemental for Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq. But this week, when the House is expected to consider the agreement of a House-Senate conference on the war funding, the supplemental could well be defeated on the floor of the House - if most of the 51 antiwar Democrats stick to their no vote - which they might, if they hear from their constituents.

The key thing that’s changed is the Treasury Department’s insistence that the war supplemental include a $100 billion bailout for the International Monetary Fund - a bailout for European banks facing big losses in Eastern Europe, the international version of the Wall Street bailout.

House Republicans, including Minority Leader John Boehner, have threatened to vote no on the war funding if the IMF money is attached. (http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0609/23263.html)

If Boehner could bring all the Republicans with him, and if all the Democrats who voted no last month voted no again, the war supplemental would fail on the floor of the House, 200-228.

But not every Democrat who voted no before will vote no now, and therein lies the drama. The House leadership didn’t need those anti-war Democrats before, so in a way it was a “free vote” - 51 Democrats could vote on behalf of their anti-war constituents without running afoul of the leadership. But if Treasury insists on the IMF money, and Republicans vote no, the leadership will need 18 of those Democrats now.

Under pressure from the leadership, some of those Democrats - like the usually progressive Barney Frank, who unfortunately in this case is protecting the status quo at the IMF - will try to argue that this vote doesn’t matter. But the opposite is true - this is the vote that matters, because it might actually make a difference to the outcome. If the war supplemental fails on the floor of the House, that news is going to rocket around the world. The story that will be told around the world is that there is unrest in Congress and America about the never-ending wars, and that will bring closer the day that these wars end, just as unrest in Congress helped bring about the US-Iraq agreement for a withdrawal timetable, and just as the House vote against the US bombing of Yugoslavia helped bring that bombing to an end. Every Democrat who votes yes now in effect cancels his/her previous no vote - essentially saying, I was willing to vote no on the wars when it didn’t matter, but now that it does matter, I’m voting yes.

Of course, to this should be added the question of why Democrats would vote to give $100 billion in US tax dollars to the International Monetary Fund with no effective strings attached. A coalition of antipoverty organizations - including the AFL-CIO, the antipoverty advocacy group RESULTS, the AIDS treatment advocacy group Health GAP, and the poor country debt-cancellation advocacy group Jubilee USA Network - have demanded that Congress attach conditions to the IMF funding, requiring the US Treasury to oppose policies at the IMF that fundamentally contradict the stated purpose of the money. While the Treasury is telling Democrats in Congress to vote yes because the IMF needs money to boost the global economy, actual IMF policies - in Latvia and Pakistan, most recently - are doing the opposite, forcing draconian budget cuts and high interest rates that are strangling economic activity. But in response to the demands for reform, the Treasury is insisting - as usual - that Congress can have no effective role in oversight of the Treasury’s policies at the IMF, and that any language on IMF reform attached to the funding has to be meaningless.

The Treasury wants to sneak the IMF money through the war supplemental so the Treasury can postpone its day of reckoning with this antipoverty coalition. Why should Democrats in Congress take the Treasury’s side in this dispute?

The outcome of this drama will likely come down to a handful of votes. Folks who call Congress should call their representatives now and urge them to vote no - in opposition to the wars, in opposition to the IMF money, or both. Folks who generally don’t call Congress should consider this: this is one of those rare moments of Washington chaos where your representative who never seems to listen to you might listen to you, where your call is most likely to make a difference, because the usual party lines are confused: more Democrats than usual will be voting yes on the war funding, and far more Republicans than usual will be voting no. Republicans especially need to hear from their constituents that they oppose a $100 billion US taxpayer bailout for European banks. Democrats need to hear from their constituents that they oppose the bailout, and the never-ending wars. Antiwar Democrats should be reminded that the House leadership refuses to allow Representative McGovern’s amendment - requiring that the Pentagon report to Congress on an exit strategy from Afghanistan - to be considered on the supplemental. (http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c111:H.R.2404:)


Robert Naiman is senior policy analyst at Just Foreign Policy

© 2009 truthout

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